Logocracy - Chapter 25: Implementation Plan

An evolutionary pathway to logocracy, and a bibliography

This is the final chapter of Lobaczewski’s Logocracy, in which he sketches out a roadmap to its implementation. He reaffirms his support for evolutionary rather than revolutionary means—pointing out that the latter fail because they violate basic social-psychological laws of human nature. As such, by their very nature they lead to results antithetical to their stated goals. Similarly, revolutions led by clandestine organizations cannot succeed. The public must be aware, and involved, in any process of societal transformation. In revolution, this awareness is ignored, the existing structure is destroyed, and that structure is a precondition for any so-called revolution’s success (in its own stated terms). As such, some form of pathocracy is the most likely result, since the resulting vacuum is easily filled by psychopathic revolutionaries.

As for how this evolution might proceed in practice, Lobaczewski thinks that, particularly in Poland, the idea would gain support among a wide portion of the population: educated workers, farmers, and those who supported Solidarity. One roadblock would come from those who would be denied active civic rights in such a system (e.g. those of very low intelligence, drug addicts), and the politicians who would weaponize their opposition.

The first step would be the creation of a civic association similar to Solidarity which would function as a logocratic political party, later to transform into a non-party logocratic association if they were successful in eventually implementing a logocracy. The association will immediately begin the educational activities it would undertake within a logocracy, preparing the citizens who would take the civic oath upon its introduction, and developing criteria and training for parliamentary rights. The transformation to logocracy would occur after some time and be effected by a popular referendum.

The first institutions to be created upon introduction of logocracy would be the logocratic association (previously a logocratic party under the prior system), the constituent assembly, and the wise council. The first task would be drafting the constitution, followed by holding elections when the number of potential candidates is three times the number of available seats in parliament, and the number of citizens with civic rights exceeds a certain number.

In nations recovering from pathocracy, the principle of competence, along with the popularization of ponerology, “will greatly accelerate the process of spiritual rehabilitation of the nation and the formation of a healthy, creative structure of society.”

Finally, Lobaczewski includes a bibliography of books he found helpful in developing his ideas here. Some are only available in Polish, but many are in English. I’ve provided the latest editions, and online versions where I could find them.

And with that, we are done! For now. The next step will be preparing the work for a planned future publication in print—refining this rough translation into more readable English with the help of a Polish translator and adding explanatory and supporting footnotes. In the meantime, I may also work on summarizing and providing excerpts from Lobaczewki’s other Polish book, Word Surgery, on psychotherapy to post here. Thank you to everyone who has followed this project and commented along the way!

---

Chapter 25: Implementation Plan

The naivety of revolutionaries lies in the fact that they assumed that their goals could be realized by means that violated the laws of social life and thus the basis of their own ideas. They did not realize that in doing so they were already aiming at a different goal. If a revolution was brought about by clandestine organizations and in the name of clandestine intentions, its aims could not be achieved by such a means either. Therefore, no revolution has yet led to the full-fledged realization of the goals in the name of which it broke out.

If the result of our action is to be a healthily functioning state system, better than any hitherto known, and not some caricature of it, this transformation, which may later be called “revolutionary,” cannot have recourse to revolutionary methods. Logocracy, from its beginnings, must seek the consent of society, although a few years of strong-arm rule needed for its constitution may seem necessary.

The most mature ideas, the best thought-out plans for the social and political system of a country may fail in their implementation or even degenerate if two necessary conditions are not met: the consent of society and an appropriately thought-out method of implementing the new system. The better both of these plans are prepared—of the system itself and of its implementation—the easier it will be to win public support. The implementation plan should allow for some flexibility. It should be borne in mind that such a new political system is to be introduced on a living social organism that must live, act, and develop during the changes.

The public should be made as familiar as possible with the idea and solutions of the projected system, as well as with the premises of the plan for its implementation and its safe course. Numerous circles of people, who gave evidence of patriotism, became attached to the idea of democracy, which became for them the slogan of freedom. This naive faith has been shattered by the events of the passing years. What remains is an ideological void. Polish society more and more vividly feels the need for a general solution to the political problem. In this gap the idea of a better system than democracy should enter as soon as possible.

The widespread criticism of any political ideology directs the thinking of Poles towards the acceptance of social realities and a certain rationalism in the light of moral reflection. The idea of a political system based directly on the laws of nature and their modern knowledge, and not on any ideology born in the prolific (in this respect) but wise 19th century, will find a much wider resonance than it might seem, in view of the constant propaganda of democracy. However, it is necessary to popularize this idea.

In this work the conceptions of solutions for such a system are presented exhaustively enough, also quoting alternative possibilities, to convince the readers that such a systemic transformation is possible and that a better social and legal system, sketched here and appropriately elaborated in detail and established, could function well. This is the author’s essential aim, since the real systemic forms adopted may differ considerably from those proposed here.

The logocratic system will be supported above all by many educated people who will find it intellectually satisfying. The majority of professionally educated workers will understand that this system will give them the fulfillment of their needs and their vision of a better future. This is a large social group, which gained its political spurs in the activity of “Solidarity.” Professionally educated farmers will see their future in a system that will regulate agricultural and rural economic relations. All reasonable Poles wish for order and a certain social discipline. Therefore, they will be ready to devote the necessary time and effort to prepare for the exams and requirements resulting from the principle of competence.

People of mediocre or drug-addled minds who would be denied their active rights by the demands of civil law will speak out against logocracy. Their leaders, whom a healthy and disciplined social system would deprive of the opportunity to grow rich at the expense of the poverty of others, will mobilize the former and their other followers to oppose such a danger. Slogans and catchphrases will be devised, and the proponents of logocracy will be declared “logophiles.” Is this what we should be unduly afraid of? Still, this is something to be reckoned with.

A civic association should be established that can bring together people with a wide range of political views but who accept the idea of logocracy as their guiding goal. A similar association already existed in Poland as “Solidarity.” This association must initially assume the status of a political party in order to be able to elect its members to the government.

In the statutes of the association itself, however, it would be stipulated that with the introduction of the logocracy system, the association would become a logocratic (or civic) association and would take on the status prescribed by the constitution, losing the character of a political party. It is necessary to strive for this idea to mature within this association. If a sufficiently positive public opinion is achieved, the plan for political transformation must be implemented.

The association will immediately undertake activities in the field of education of citizens in civil law. It will compile and publish appropriate textbooks, launch courses. Those who have taken the exam within the framework of the association’s activity will be able to take the civic oath as soon as the logocratic system is approved. Efforts will be made to educate the members of the association and other citizens for the parliamentary right. Among other things, this activity will contribute to the popularization of the idea of logocracy.

In due time a popular referendum should be held on the adoption of a system better than democracy. As soon as this referendum is won, it should be systematically implemented. The establishment of a constitution, and soon a council of the wise, should precede other decisions on the road to logocracy. Together with the logocratic association they will form the three characteristic institutions of the new regime. The constituent assembly, with the help of these two institutions, will draft the constitution. The first elections to the logocratic parliament should take place when the number of people who have obtained the right of parliament exceeds three times the number of seats in parliament and the number of people with the right of citizenship exceeds 30% of the citizens before them who are entitled to vote. Since the first on these paths will be people who are better able and more sincerely committed to serving the public good, an exceptionally efficient logocratic parliament will emerge. Such a parliament will assume the main tasks of political transformation.

It was the author’s dream, when he wrote the first edition of this work in America, to protect Poland from the long illness of nations that had regained their independence. This turned out to be only a delusion, for the disease which follows the liberation of a nation from pathocratic rule has a longer and more severe course. There are now signs that indicate that we are already emerging from the crisis. If we undertake this work, it is to be hoped that we will be able to avoid a coup d’état, something like the May Coup of 1926. Such a coup always leads to a longer period of rule by a strong hand of people who are not wise enough. This will depend on whether our nation manages to get on the road to beneficial political change.

The task of the already experienced society, as well as of the emerging logocracy, will be to understand the nature of the destructive phenomena operating in the country and in the world, and to develop conscious control over them. This understanding of the problems of the genesis of evil and the counteraction based on it should be skillfully blended into the whole construction of the logocratic system. The maturation of society and the political education of the nation can facilitate this task. The well-known moderating role of the Catholic Church will certainly facilitate the difficult transformations and contribute to a more balanced entry into the new systemic forms.

In all of this work, very little has been said about how those who have become activists in the pathological system of oppression and exploitation of the nation should be dealt with. It would be very damaging if the nation focused its attention on this issue, seeking legal and extrajudicial retaliation. The solution to this problem, both for such individuals and for the sake of the spiritual revival of the largest section of the population, should be based solely on a scientific understanding of the nature of the macrosocial pathological phenomenon that was so-called “communism.” Such an understanding leads to the conclusion that the participation of many people in an insane phenomenon, the nature of which they could not understand, could be subject to the already existing provisions of the criminal law on leniency of punishment. However, the legislators of any country could not foresee the emergence of macrosocial pathological phenomena and therefore the existing laws do not provide a sufficiently adequate classification in this area. The only way to solve this problem is to objectively understand the nature of the phenomenon and thus the behavior of the people who participated in it in any way. Therefore, based on the logocratic assumptions of law and good knowledge in this area, laws should be developed and enacted that are characterized by moderation and forbearance.

It should be noted that in this very area we find a striking convergence between natural science and Christian moral teaching. Refraining from emotionally charged judgments and moralistic interpretations of phenomena which are in their essence psychopathological, is an essential condition for overcoming the path of a people from pathocratic slavery to a system of normal humanity and to a system better than any that has existed.

A nation that has emerged from pathocratic rule needs to make use of the best achievements of knowledge to enable it to transform itself as quickly and as painlessly as possible into a free and self-governing nation. Persistence in the world of labels and slogans, of supposed “communism,” can prolong this process until time dims it, and this will then leave a permanent residue of misguidedness in society.

The concept of a logocratic system takes all these circumstances into account and offers us the best possible option on the road to the fullness of human rights and to the liberation of man from the bane of the recent past. The system of training derived from the principle of competence, which would address the modern understanding of the nature of the macrosocial pathological phenomenon, will greatly accelerate the process of spiritual rehabilitation of the nation and the formation of a healthy, creative structure of society. To this end, it is necessary to make use of an asset that our fathers and grandfathers could not have had at the time of the formation of the state after the First World War—the ability to analyze phenomena scientifically, to understand, predict, and plan.

Bibliography

Available in English

• Beck, James M. The Constitution of United States: A Brief Study of the Genesis, Formulation and Political Philosophy of the Constitution. New York: George H. Doran Co., 1924. https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/10065.

• Berki, R. N. The History of Political Thought: A Short Introduction. Totowa, NJ: Rowman & Littlefield, 1977.

• Burke, Edmund. Reflections on the Revolution in France. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.

• Constitution of the Republic of Poland, March 17, 1921. http://libr.sejm.gov.pl/tek01/txt/kpol/e1921.html.

• Constitution of the Republic of Poland, April 23, 1935. http://libr.sejm.gov.pl/tek01/txt/kpol/e1935.html.

• Davies, Norman. Europe: A History. New York: Harper Perennial, 2010.

• Davies, Norman. God’s Playground: A History of Poland. 2 vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.

• Edwards, Paul (ed.). Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 8 vols. New York: MacMillan & Free Press, 1972.

• John Paul II, Pope. On Human Work: Encyclical (Laborem Exercens). Boston, MA: St. Paul Editions, 1982. https://www.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_jp-ii_enc_14091981_laborem-exercens.html.

• Linder, Wolf. Swiss Democracy: Possible Solutions to Conflict in Multicultural Societies. 4th ed. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021. https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007%2F978-3-030-63266-3.

• Lobaczewski, Andrew. Political Ponerology: The Science of Evil, Psychopathy, and the Origins of Totalitarianism. Red Pill Press, 2022.

• Maritain, Jacques. The Social and Political Philosophy of Jacques Maritain: Selected Readings. Geoffrey Bles, 1956.

• Nisbet, Robert. The Social Philosophers: Community and Conflict in Western Thought. New York: Washington Square Press, 1982.

• Siegan, Bernard H. Drafting a Constitution for a Nation or Republic Emerging into Freedom. Fairfax, VA: George Mason University Press, 1994.

• Sigg, Oswald. Switzerland’s Political Institutions. 4th ed. Zürich: Pro Helvetia, 1991.

• Sills, David L. (ed.). International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. 17 vols. New York: Macmillan & Free Press, 1972.

• Steiner, Jurg. European Democracies. 8th ed (with Markus M. L. Crepaz). Harlow: Longman, 2013.

• Szasz, Thomas S. Ideology and Insanity: Essays on the Psychiatric Dehumanization of Man. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1996.

• Thomas Aquinas. On Politics and Ethics. New York: W.W. Norton, 1988.

• Thomas Aquinas. The Treatise on Human Nature: Summa Theologiae 1a 75–89. Translated, with Introduction and Commentary by Robert Pasnau. Indianapolis: Heckett, 2002.

Polish books

• Bartyzel, Jacek. Demokracja [Democracy]. Radom: Polwen, 2002.

• Giertych, Jędrzej. Tragizm losów Polski [Tragedy: The Fate of Poland]. Pelplin: “Pielgrzym,” 1937.

• Jarra, Eugeniusz. Historia polskiej filozofii politycznej, 966-1795 [History of Polish Political Philosophy, 966–1795]. London: Orbis, 1968.

• Kukiel, Marian. Generał Sikorski: Żołnierz i mąż stanu Polski Walczącej [General Sikorski: A Soldier and Statesman of Fighting Poland]. London: Instytut Polski – Muzeum im. Gen. Sikorskiego, 1981.

• Łobaczewski, Andrzej. Logokracja: Koncepcja ustroju państwa [Logocracy: The Concept of the State System]. Kraków: 1991. [A self-published early draft of this book.]

• Łobaczewski, Andrzej. Ponerologia: Nauka o naturze zła [Ponerology: Science of the Nature of Evil]. Rzeszów: 2000. [A short short booklet based mostly on ch. 4 of Political Ponerology.]

• Matuszewski, Ignacy. Wybór pism [Selected Writings]. New York: Instytut Józefa Piłsudskiego, 1952.

• Pobóg-Malinowski, Władysław. Najnowsza historia polityczna polski [The Most Recent History of Poland]. 2 vols. London: Gryf Printers, 1985.

• Poradowski, Ks. Michal. Dziedzictwo rewolucji francuskiej [Legacy of the French Revolution]. Warszawa: Civitas, 1992.

• Stelmach, Jerzy, and Ryszard Sarkowicz. Filozofia prawa XIX i XX wieku [Philosophy of Law of the 19th and 20th Centuries]. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 1998.

• Sylwestrzak, Andrzej. Historia doktryn politycznych i prawnych [History of Political and Legal Doctrines]. Warszawa: Wydaw. Naukowe PWN, 1994.

• Zaremba, Paweł. Historia dwudziestolecia (1918-1939) [History of the Twenty Years (1918-1939)]. Paryż: Instytut Literacki, 1981.

• Zeszyty do historii Narodowych sił zbrojnych [Notebooks to the History of the National Armed Forces]. Chicago: 1961–1964.

Note: This work is a project of QFG/Red Pill Press and is planned to be published in book form.